Saturday, January 28, 2017

Linda Nguyen - Week 4

Linda Nguyen
ASA150E, Southeast Asian American Experience
Dr. Valverde
1/28/2017

In the book, Radicals on the Road: Internationalism, Orientalism, and Feminism During the Vietnam Era by Judy Tzu-Chan Wu, discussed the feminist movement for world peace during the Cold War. What was presented in the book were people who were considered “internationalists”—members of communities that transcended national boundaries. The objective of the book was to provide us with analogies of radicals who traveled the world to bring lights to their eyes of the injustices that the Western enacted upon the Eastern world, and that the West was not the savior. The US involvement in Southeast Asian countries reflects the caused as well as Indochinese women efforts to fight for liberation. Moreover, there was evidence that there was solidarity between North America and Southeast Asia, the in which solidarity was needed in order to build “international anti-war movement” (8). This relates to last week’s Women’s March on Washington. The Women’s March was about showing solidarity and in support of women’s rights, fight for full range of healthcare access and reproductive rights, and other related causes. In Chapter 9 Woman Warriors, impact of the war gives experiences and bodies of Asian women in understanding US militarization and empire (247) as well as the horrific nature of the US war. 

Questions: Is there possibilities for effective change and sustaining long-lasting involvement in the long historical movement of activism? And if so, how?   

Demonstrators protest on the National Mall in Washington, DC for reproductive rights and women's rights, 2017

Sources:
Image: http://cdn.timesofisrael.com/uploads/2017/01/000_KH38G-635x357.jpg

Introduction; Part III: Journeys for Global Sisterhood - Chapter 7 “We Met the ‘Enemy’--and
     They Are Our Sisters,” Chapter 8 War at a Peace Conference, Chapter 9 Woman Warriors.

Wu, Judy Tzu-Chun. Radicals on the Road: Internationalism, Orientalism, and Feminism during the 
     Vietnam Era. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 2013. 


Third World Alliances and Social-Political Movements -- Week 4

Khanh Le
Linda Nguyen
Jaselle Abuda
ASA 150E
Dr. Valverde
28 January 2017

Week 4: Third World Alliances and Social-Political Movements

The “Aoki” documentary was filmed by Ben Wang and Mike Cheng. It was released after Richard Aoki’s death on March 15, 2009, and the documentary was a tribute to his legacy as an Asian American activist. Aoki was the 4th or 5th person to join the Black Panther Party, and when he first joined, he jokingly stated, “This is called the Black Panther party, and I don’t exactly look black.” In response, Huey Newton, one of the co-founders of the party said, “The struggle for freedom, justice, and equality transcends racial and ethnic barriers.” This quote is one that I resonate with on an emotional and intellectual level because it encompasses my belief with community work and fights for equality. It reminds me that I must stand in solidarity with my black and brown brothers and sisters and fight against the injustices that oppress them every day. All lives will matter when black lives matter, and it is jarring to think that over fifty years later, we are still fighting for black lives to matter in this country.


The documentary was incredibly valuable in that it included interviews with several members of the community, ranging from the Asian American Political Alliance to the Third World Liberation Front multicultural alumni. Viewers could get a sense of who Richard was behind the sunglasses and tough exterior. Elbert “Big Man” Howard, a member of the Black Panther Party, believed that Richard was a dedicated revolutionary, who was consistent in his philosophy and actions. He was a spokesperson for not just the Asian American community, but also for the civil rights movement and the third world liberation movement as well. His sense of humor and humble personality showed through his passionate speeches. One of the most memorable parts was when asked what obstacles did his organization need to overcome at a conference of sorts, he stated, “The police! [audience laughter] They kept impeding our progress!” He spoke his heart and mind, without fear and he cared not for possible consequences. Growing up in Oakland myself, listening to Aoki speak was like listening to a piece of home that I never even knew existed. Before watching this documentary, I never knew Oakland was a site of struggle for so many Asian American folks. Hearing him say that he grew up in West Oakland and he was the “baddest oriental to come outta West Oakland” gave me a sense of pride in my hometown. He stated, “You gotta know where you come from and where you are… if you’re a member of the oppressed class, you better realize that you are and do something about it.” That statement made me reflect on my identity as an Asian American woman and what I did about it when I realized that I was oppressed and marginalized in a political institution, such as UC Davis, when this place was not made for me.
As cliché as it may sound, one never knows what others are going through until one walks a mile in another’s shoes. When speaking of how he became so politically charged, Aoki stated, “In retrospect, I probably wouldn’t have been so politically sensitive and active if I hadn’t grown up in that environment. That ten years I spent were the formative years of my life and exposed me to the racism, segregation, the oppression, the exploitation of people of color, I could easily see the similarities between the concentration camps and the conditions in the West Oakland ghettos.” His comparison of the Japanese concentration camps, that he was placed in as a child, and the West Oakland ghettos shook me to my core. What is unfortunate is that most people do not want to recognize that these issues of racism and exploitation exist because ignorance is bliss. He acknowledged that times are changing and that movements are not as militant as they were in his days. However, he still understands that there is a lot of work left to do, and it is up to our generation to continue that fight for an equal world, where our lives will matter as much as white lives do.
As a short introduction for Radicals on the Road: Internationalism, Orientalism, and Feminism During the Vietnam Era by Judy Tzu-Chan Wu, the book presents people that are considered “internationalists”—members of communities that transcended national boundaries. This reminded me of transnationalism and how our struggles and outlooks are strong enough to bring us together on issues of social justice and politics, across boundaries and nations. The three ways in which “the exploration of internationalism, orientalism, and feminism contributed to our understanding of social activism” during the 1960s were: (1) “the political journeys of U.S. activists provide an opportunity to frame the antiwar movement of the 1960s and 1970s in an international context;” (2) “how individuals of diverse and ethnic backgrounds developed political partnerships with one another;” and (3) “the growing understanding of how gender shapes the conduct of war, the performance of international diplomacy, and engagement in political activism” (Wu, 7-9). This book aims to provide us with stories of radicals who traveled the world to open their eyes to the injustices that the Western world enacted upon the Eastern world, and that the West was not always the savior.
The Viet Nam War was a collective experience that globally impacted many people’s lives. Astounded by experiences of what the Vietnamese people endured during the war many women activists from North America and Southeast Asia fought together to change the horrific effects of the war. Furthermore, women activists who traveled their way to Viet Nam took a lifelong lesson back to their home countries and applied to change their own societies by the help of the spoken stories of courage and resiliency by the Vietnamese women activists. From different demographic and ethnic backgrounds, women activists around the world joined together as a unit to propagate peace and anti-war ideologies. Not only did these groups of women create such a multitude of members and supporters from various countries, they have also built personal bonds with each that they have noted as ‘sisters’.
The women’s sisterhood movement made conferences that addressed issues that were harmfully affecting large groups of people and used maternalistic tactics to appeal strongly to women. For instance, South Vietnamese women activists discussed the effects of militarization having it “fostered the growth of prostitution in South Viet Nam” (Wu 15). Moreover, as for the maternalistic strategies, the use of children as one of the main reasons to end the War was highly used in various women activist organizations such as those in the Women Strike for Peace. Amy Swerdlow, a historian, and former WSP member, stated: “They [50,000 women] demanded that their local officials pressure President John Kennedy on behalf of all the world’s children, to end nuclear testing at once and begin negotiations for nuclear disarmament” (Wu 10). This form of protest was in response to a suspecting radioactive cloud that moved across United States grounds from several Russian atom bomb tests. From these instant forms of actions from collective communities, it eventually formed committed women activist organizations within the United States nation and in Viet Nam.
The sponsors of the Indochinese Women’s Conferences were known as “old friends”, “new friends”, and “third world” that all advocated anti-war campaigns for the benefit of the world’s children. The “old friends”, or more “traditional” North American women’s activist organizations, consisted of those who have had a long history of friendship Vietnamese women (Wu). This caucus of women fostered the idea of maternal peace tactics and “presented themselves as ‘respectable’ and as ‘maternal protectors of the world’s children’” (Wu 10). The second sponsors for the Indochinese Women’s Conference were known as the “new friends,” or also known as the women’s liberation activists. The “new friends” women’s activists acknowledged the indivisibility, little-to-no authoritative influence, and marginalization of women within their male counterparts in the antiwar organization. These groups of women’s liberation activists then formed a women’s caucus that: “’combat[ed] male supremacy,’ in the antiwar movement, develop[ed] ‘ideological and programmatic clarity about how the struggle for the liberation of women is related to the struggles against racism and imperialism,’ and connecting the ‘spring actions of the Mobe to their own oppression as women’” (Wu 17). Lastly, the third sponsor of the Indochinese Women’s Conference was known as “third world”, who were noted as the non-white women activists in North America. As Wu stated, “Understanding themselves as internal colonial subjects, they expressed solidarity among themselves based on the similar experience of disenfranchisement and marginalization within the U.S.” These groups of women were familiar with the effects of domesticated racism, international pacifism, and colonialism as much as those of their Caucasian descent women activist’s sisters. Nonetheless, all the sponsors felt a strong connection with their Vietnamese sister activists across the globe.
In  Chapter 9 Woman Warriors, the book present the delegation of the Indochinese Women’s Conference (IWCs) from Southeast Asia. The Indochinese delegates shared both the “inhumane suffering that the war caused as well as their sustained efforts to fight for liberation” (246). Both groups of women formed critiques of war and colonization that foregrounded the experiences and bodies of Asian women in understanding US militarization and empire. (247). The delegates from SEA gave testimonials that conveyed how war and political persecution had gendered implications for women, their bodies, and their ability to perform responsibilities of motherhood. The IWC addressed the impact of war on families. These accounts of atrocities reminded North American women of the horrific nature of the US war in SEA. The Indochinese women who came to North American used individuals to provide personal examples to show the light of the patterns of gender violence. Additionally, they offered models of resistance and not just evidence of victimization. Some maternalists peace activist expressed a sense of moral obligation that resembled a politics of rescue. North American women tended to put the Indochinese women on a pedestal because of their revolutionary “courage, spirit, and warmth”.  Other activists, including maternalists, women’s liberationists, and Third World women placed the Indochinese women on an idealized political pedestal for their resilience to endure and struggle. The phrase, “They Must Be Saved,” positioned North American women as the saviors of Asian women.
Moreover, the Indochinese women highlighted their own political agency in resisting the war. The Indochinese women, as targets of Western militarism, imperialism, racism, and sexism, represented the underdog. The Indochinese ability to forgive and distinguish between the American people and their government led many conferences attendees to regard them as the model of revolutionary figured. Women of SEA encouraged their audience to view everyone as capable of political struggle and achievement. Indochinese women emphasized the importance of forging political unity, which help North American women to engage more effectively in activism.
Asian female offered an image of hope and humanity that contrasted with the oppressive gender roles in North American societies (246). Women of Asian ancestry in the U.S. aspired to connect with their revolutionary Asian sisters in the SEA due to their marginalization within American political movement (246). Asian American women expressed the affinity for the women from SEA and saw them as their role model. The idealization of SEA women reflected a radical orientalists sensibility. Moreover, the conference played a role in the political development of an entire generation of Asian American female activists (255). At the time of the conference, Asian American women were developing a gendered and racialized analysis of the war that emphasized the transnational connections between Asians in Vietnam and in the US. The political leadership of Indochinese women inspired many of American sisters to combat American militarism and imperialism.
This reading was incredibly informative and interesting in that it discussed the Indochinese delegates sharing their experiences, and sharing how the war and political persecution had caused gendered and violence implications for women as well as their effort to fight for liberation. North American women, Asian American women, and others in the world see the strength and resilience of the Indochinese delegates. It was inspiring to hear about their testimonials. Growing up in Los Angeles myself, I never heard or learned anything about this piece of history at school or the media. Just learning about this inspired me as well to connect and play a role in the political development of activism. This reading also reminds me of current events that are happening now with the women’s marches that happened last weekend on Washington in support of women’s rights and related causes.



Works Cited
Documentary: “Aoki,” Directors Mike Cheng and Ben Wang. 2009.
Image Source: http://www.aokifilm.com/film-coverage/Introduction; Part III: Journeys for Global Sisterhood - Chapter 7 “We Met the ‘Enemy’--and They Are Our Sisters,” Chapter 8 War at a Peace Conference, Chapter 9 Woman Warriors.
Judy Tzu-Chan Wu. Radicals on the Road: Internationalism, Orientalism, and Feminism During
the Vietnam Era. 2013.


Chouatong Mouavangsou - Week 4

Week 4
            In Radicals on the Road, by Judy Tzu-Chun Wu, she illuminates the patriarchal issues women in the South East Asian community face. However, Wu doesn’t just focus on the victimization of these women. She describes how these Vietnamese women uses their stories to empower Western women to take political and social action. These Vietnamese women go beyond just telling their story. They use their story to inspire and mentor Western women to change and transform their unjust world. They act as role models for those colored minorities who don’t want to hear the words of a white women. With the collaboration of these groups, these group of women were able to transcend racial and ethnic boundaries in order to create an international effort to stop the war, and while doing, creating last bonds between one another.
            For the Vietnamese women, a tactic that they used in order to personalize and humanize women in both North and South Vietnam was telling their personal narratives either by mouth or through a book. By doing so, these Vietnamese women were able to reach out to the hearts of many Western women. An example of one such personal narrative is Din Thi Huong’s story of her being a political prisoner. In her narrative, she tells us the atrocious and inhumane conditions she was put through as a prisoner. She tells us about their torture methods and the sexualized nature of it. Huong does tells her story not to evoke pity, but to evoke change. She doesn’t just stop at telling her story, Huong goes and does something about it.

            In our society today, there are many people who tell their narratives and their stories. But that’s usually all they do, talk. They don’t inspire change, they don’t go out and do something about the situation they’re in, and all they do is go around crying and telling their same story over and over again. Unlike these Vietnamese women who go out and inspire change, use their story to empower others, and take action to change the social institutions and roles that binds them, most people just talk. Most people in our contemporary society sees something on their newsfeed that angers them, shares the post, writes a comment, and then “believes” they’ve done something to alleviate the situation. How can one inspire change through a comment? How can one, challenge social institutions and norms through a post? How can we, start a movement through social media? That, is a question for us to answer.


Flowers, M. (2014, January 6th). Social Movement Images, [Photograph] http://www.occupy.com/sites/default/files/medialibrary/occupy-movement-demonstrator-oakland.jpg

Week 4 - Angela Nguyen

The stories highlighted in Radicals on the Road: Internationalism, Orientalism and Feminism During the Vietnam Era written by Judy Tzhu-Chun Wu brought attention to the early stages of social movements of the people who made a great impact in Eastern countries like Vietnam yet were underrecognised. The historical figures included people from different backgrounds who were seen as a part of the international community abroad that were not afraid and willing to advocate for major issues like women’s peace and liberation that created due conditions of the war during that time period. Their voices and involvement helped to diverse political views and helped to challenge the political commitments and work of activism in the years that followed.

The international group of activists were important because they helped to inspire transnationalism and multiracial coalitions. As we see with activism work in modern society, movements like the Women’s March or Black Lives Matter involve not just the groups that are the main advocates, but so many more individuals and groups of people take part and stand in solidarity with them too. Focusing on Southeast Asians specifically, receiving additional voices and assistance from other people other than themselves when looking at social movements help to make their voices bigger and stronger.


Question: If we were to compare activist work from the late 20th century to that of the 21st century, what are some of the similarities and differences? Taking into account major changes in society such as the great amount of technological development, to what extent, if any does it impact people and social movements

Work Cited:
Wu, Judy Tzu-Chun. Radicals on the Road: Internationalism, Orientalism, and Feminism during the Vietnam Era. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 2013.

Helen Vu - Week 4

Blog 2: Week 4 - Radicals on the Road
The book Radicals on the Road: Internationalism, Orientalism, and Feminism During the Vietnam Era by Judy Tzu-Chun Wu speaks of a women’s alliance across borders which relates to this week’s theme of, “Third World Alliances and Social-Political Movements”. The relationship features anti-war activists from the west and the Vietnamese women during the times of the Viet Nam War. Bound together to act against women discrimination, they resonated with one another on various issues. Stated in the text, “These individuals sought to identify and subvert the workings of patriarchy in all realms of life, not just in the public sphere of work and politics but also in the private sphere of personal, familial, and sexual relationships” (Wu 206). I still believe that the workings of the patriarchy continues to remain a problem in both communities today, as women are still fighting for equal pay in the workplace. However, as many Southeast Asians make stay in the U.S. after the war there have also been issues in the home as well although not widely documented. It is difficult to learn that there is a hidden narrative of “intimate violence,” “spousal abuse,” or a more widely used term, “domestic violence,” within the Asian American - Southeast Asian American community.


In light of recent events, Trump’s administration has moved forward with numerous of executive orders in spite of being in office for such a short time. One in particular that is fitting with this week’s discussion is the one centering around the ban of federal money going to international groups which perform or provide abortions. Other nations have given response to Trump’s policy with the Netherlands in particular offering to “set up an international abortion fund to help families across the world” (Masters). So my question in particular has to do with collaboration amongst individuals instead of countries, will we see something like what Wu had written about in her book as a response to this piece of legislation? How can it possibly be done? Ex. protest?

Works Cited


Terkel, Amanda. “Donald Trump Signs Anti-Abortion Executive Order Surrounded by Men.” The Huffington Post. The Huffington Post - US Edition, 23 Jan. 2017. Web. 27 Jan. 2017.


“Trump Executive Order Reverses Foreign Abortion Policy.” BBC News. BBC, 23 Jan. 2017. Web. 27 Jan. 2017.


Fang, Jenn. “The Unseen Sexual Assault & Domestic Violence in the #AAPI Community.” Reappropriate.co. Reappropriate. 01 Apr. 2014. Web. 27 Jan. 2017.


Wu, Judy Tzu-Chun. Radicals on the Road: Internationalism, Orientalism, and Feminism during the Vietnam Era. Ithaca: Cornell UP, 2013.

Week 4 - Zoua Nikki Thao

It can be hard to imagine how resistance against the same forces of oppression can cross international borders when it seems as if Americans, alone, have never been on the same page with one another. Judy Tzu Chun Wu's book, Radicals on the Road: Internationalism, Orientalism and Feminism during the Vietnam Era allows us to see how radical orientalist ideals helped create transnational solidarity among those in the United States and those overseas -- a solidarity that knows no boundaries.

This reading is important to what we are learning in class because it continues the re-narration of different aspects of the Vietnam War. Although many Americans did not agree with the war and protested against it, I believe that many were not aware of their fellow brothers and sisters resisting with them across the Pacific Ocean. Wu heavily discusses the topic of feminism and how women in Vietnam fought against oriental notions and oppression of what it meant to be an "Asian woman" during the war time era.

When I think about transnational resistance and solidarity today, only a few come to mind. Recently, in response to President Trump's inauguration and executive orders, there was a Women's March that happened in different places all across the world. Of course solidarity on an international scale has its pros and cons, and as usual, not everyone is going to be on the same page. There is this photo I saw on Facebook about the Women's March that expresses the opinion of many who think that women in America need to check their privilege. This photo shows the dichotomy of the many different perspectives that may exist on an issue. It reveals how some may relate more to those across seas than those within their own borders. It also brings to light the idea of "Oppression Olympics" which is a card that can be used to tell people that their oppression or experiences are not "that bad" compared to others, so they should not feel sorry for themselves.

Posted by a Facebook User

A question that I have is, what would resistance and solidarity look like if people stopped playing the Oppression Olympics card, and just stopped to listen, care, and understand? In what other ways have Americans identified with and fought alongside Asians? 


References:

Wu, Judy Tzu Chun. Radicals on the Road: Internationalism, Orientalism and Feminism during the Vietnam Era. Ithaca: Cornell U Press, 2013. Print. 26 January 2017.

Annie Xiong - Week 4 Blog

The reading Radicals on the Road relates to major issues affecting the SEA American community such that they are often overlooked women. For instance, coming from a Hmong family (a woman from the SEA American community), women are not as comparable to men from the SEA American community. Specifically, this is in regards to things that are involved with family and education. When stepping out of our comfort soon, we are seen as being "radical", such as women in this reading who seek activism for peace and liberation.

Current events outside of class that connects to the reading is The Women's March. As I came upon some pieces of the reading, it states that there are women from every where around the world who stand in solidarity despite the war movement such as Asian American, Chicano/a, Latino/a, and indigenous people. These women believed in the profound possibilities of global sisterhood. Thus, the purpose of The Women's March is allow women from the US and globally to march and stand in solidarity despite the fear of the outcomes under Trump's presidency. Not all of the marchers were Mexican, but were from other racial ethnic groups.

Question: Why was it easier for women from different racial groups in the 1960s to stand together than for men to stand together, and in comparison to today's current events?


Image result for shepard fairey art the women's march

Sources:
http://honey.nine.com.au/2017/01/19/09/18/womens-march-why-im-marching
http://theamplifierfoundation.org/
Radicals on the Road: Internationalism, Orientalism, and Feminism During the Vietnam Era. 2013. Judy Tzu-Chun Wu

Week 4 - Angela Oh

In the US, the boundaries of East and West are typically situated as a dichotomy. The West includes aspects of masculinity, modernity and science, while the East refers to femininity, fanaticism and tradition-bound norms. In this relationship, the East is clearly considered to be inferior to the West. The US usually upholds this notion of inferior Asia, up until it begins to work against the US's interests. In the aftermath of World War 2, the US wanted to distance itself from being an imperialist dominator after devastating, large-scale issues of European imperialism, especially in the early Cold War era. Mass media played a significant role in attempting to bridge the East-West divides in an attempt to garner support for the US's role in the Cold War and legitimize its stated mission of democracy.

Political activists questioned this so-called pursuit/fight for democracy and looked to identify with Asian people instead. This refers to "radial orientalism", as these people romanticized and idealized the East and those fighting against imperialist states. This still includes a hierarchical aspect to the relationship, since the West was more advanced technologically and democratically. Underlying their earnest intentions is the belief that the US is the one to save the poor East.

This dichotomy is still present today, as shown through the model minority myth. The concept that Asians as a minority group are innately successful seems to be a compliment on its face, but is actually isolating and dehumanizing. It attributes one's success to simply one's race. It discredits the struggles that Asians overcome to achieve success in the face of relentless discrimination and racism in American society. Not only that, but the model minority is also used to discipline other minority groups and trivialize their struggles. US society praises the Asian for economic success when it is easy; but when Asian Americans speak up and demand political and societal equality, the model minority is reprimanded and ignored.

Question:
What are other situations in which the US government (or society) has changed from degrading Asians to praising/empathizing with them when it works in the US's favor?

"The West vs. The Rest"


Tiffany Saelee - Week 4!

The book Radicals on the Road: Internationalism, Orientalism, and Feminism During the Vietnam Era by Judy Tzu-Chun Wu presents several ideas worthy of discussion and pertinent to current events. Wu opens her work by briefly detailing the perilous journey of travelling to Vietnam during the height of war between the United States and Vietnam. Among the few that dared travel to Vietnam during such an unstable time were American women activists. According to Wu, “American women . . . travelled internationally and engaged in political dialogue, particularly with their female counterparts in decolonizing Asian countries” (6). In regards to our theme of the week: Third World Alliances and Social-Political Movements, American women and Third World women formed alliances through “a language of sisterhood and motherhood to establish a common connection” (Wu 200). The Women’s Strike for Peace (WSP) slogan was, “Not Our Sons, Not Their Sons”, clearly exhibiting that motherhood transcends any racial divide (Wu 204). “Together, these women attempted to create an international peace movement based on a global sense of sisterhood” (Wu 6). “These women proclaimed their right to condemn their threat of global and nuclear warfare based on the desire to protect their own and other people’s families” (196). Question: What political groups would be opposed to WSP's mission?


Above: Censure Nixon Rally, Women Strike for Peace in Washington, D.C. January 18, 1972. Source: Matlock

Recently, millions turned out for the Women’s March that was active in all 50 states, as well as in countries outside the US. The purpose of the march was to call on reform for gender equity, as well as economic and racial inequality, calling for rights to affordable reproductive healthcare, immigration rights, as well LGBTQIA rights. These threats to our rights directly impact everyone, regardless of race, including the SEA community. Where once these rights seemed attainable under President Obama, many feel that their rights are threatened under President Trump. The Women’s March made headlines and newsstands everywhere. Worldwide, millions of people transcending race, gender, and sexual orientation marched for a common cause. The Women’s March is a great example in today’s society of how powerful women are when they work together.

Above: About 440,000 attended the Women’s March in Washington, DC. Source: Holmes.
Sources:

Holmes, Sally. "The Best Images From the Women's March in Washington, D.C." Best Women's March on Washington Pictures. Hearst Communications, Inc., 21 Jan. 2017. Web. 29 Jan. 2017.


Matlock, Elizabeth, and Wendy Chmielewski. "Dorothy Marder Women Strike for Peace Exhibit." Dorothy Marder Women Strike for Peace Exhibit. N.p., 20 Feb. 2015. Web. 28 Jan. 2017.


Wu, Judy Tzu-Chun. Radicals on the road: internationalism, orientalism, and feminism during the Vietnam Era. Ithaca: Cornell U Press, 2013. Print.